How The Federal Reserve Is Making a Killing From the Pandemic



The stock market crashed in March, wiping out a large part of the gains from one of the longest market booms in US history. Since then, about 40 million jobs have been lost in the country — losses that dwarf the worst months following the great financial crisis of 2008.



But in a remarkable twist, just as the pandemic was battering the lives and livelihoods of working people, the stock market has rallied. In April, it recovered about one-third of its losses in what has been its best month since the 1987 crash.

The Federal Reserve has played a pivotal role in the revival of financial markets. The Fed’s swift and extraordinary intervention in response to the pandemic is even more remarkable when we contrast it with the faltering, fumbling response of the US state to the humanitarian and public health crisis.

How is it that the Fed could act in such a far-reaching way to protect the financial system, when the response of the state on other fronts was so fatally ambivalent?

Comment :  In spite of mass unemployment and a public health catastrophe, the stock market has been thriving, thanks to massive intervention by the Federal Reserve. We have to break the doom loop that links the Fed to the interests of financial megafirms.


Observers have compared the power now exercised by asset managers like BlackRock, Vanguard, and State Street to that of financiers like J. P. Morgan and John D. Rockefeller in the early twentieth century. That was another era marked by corporate mergers and acquisitions, with a select cabal of financiers — a money trust — controlling industry. We can go back even further for parallels, to nineteenth-century England, where two major financiers, Barings and the Rothschilds, dominated the international market for sovereign bonds.

However, the concentration of power and wealth in the hands of the new financial titans, the extent of their influence, and the deep implication of the Fed in the imperatives of big finance go way beyond anything that we’ve seen before. The Fed’s extraordinary interventions may have forced the broken wheels of cash and credit into motion again, but the discrepancy between the financial rebound and the persistent growth of joblessness should serve as a warning that finance is tightening its grip even more firmly in the wake of the pandemic.

Twenty-seven asset manager groups, led by three megafirms, now manage 61 percent of the industry’s funds. Banks and asset managers have launched an offensive, demanding that the authorities rewrite the rules in their favor, claiming that the pandemic has imposed an onerous burden on their business.

Private finance and the Federal Reserve are locked together in a doom loop. It can only be broken if the balance of power shifts to curb the dominant position of finance and the Fed’s subordination to its needs. Working-class and progressive movements must pay close attention to the far-reaching consequences of the Fed’s recent policy innovations and push forward with campaigns and initiatives to make the Fed independent of big finance.


The asset groups showed their clout by successfully campaigning to avoid the “too big to fail” label and its accompanying regulatory burden, in spite of their pervasive role in the financial markets. BlackRock’s aggressive initiatives — a mix of lobbying, campaign contributions, and networking — were key to this success. BlackRock became the world’s largest asset manager after its acquisition of Barclays Global Investors in 2009. By the end of last year, it had become a $7.4 trillion behemoth, having trebled in size over the previous decade. BlackRock has also forged deep connections to Washington’s political class, following in the footsteps of banks like Goldman Sachs.

By dodging the rules and regulations that banks have to follow, the big asset managers have clawed their way to dominance. Investors have turned away from active investment strategies where the asset managers try to beat the market by picking winners and losers, and opt instead for passive strategies that track a cluster of bonds or equities, usually through a financial index like the S&P 500. Passive funds, sold on the promise that risks and fees will be lower, have gone from occupying a small niche of the asset-management sphere before the 2008 crisis to account for more than half of that sphere by 2019.

Passive asset managers may not follow the cutthroat, myopic approach of private equity and hedge funds, but their industry-wide stakes have reshaped the contours of global finance. By concentrating control over investment portfolios in just a few hands, they have greatly increased the likely fallout from any disruption to markets. The strategies of these managers are therefore not immune to the inherent instability of finance.

Potential sources of instability include the size and scale of their operations, the herding effect of their approach to investment, the ease with which panic can spread across markets, and the risk that the machinery will jam if investors pull their money out. The Financial Stability Oversight Council (FSOC), the federal body set up after 2008 to monitor risks to the system, commissioned a report that pointed out many of these vulnerabilities. In spite of this and other warnings, the FSOC ultimately declared asset managers to be exempt from the “too big to fail” regulatory framework.


The significance of this move becomes clearer when we see it in the context of profound changes that have been underway in the sphere of finance since the 2008 crisis. Some of the new regulations that were put in place afterward, under the Basel III standards and the Dodd-Frank Act, have imposed a heavier burden on the big banks, which have to maintain larger reserves and keep high-quality liquid assets on their books. But finance has a way of seeking out loopholes to breach regulatory frameworks.

The post-crisis financial terrain was characterized by the growing power and sway of asset-management funds, ushering in what some observers have dubbed the age of asset management. Asset managers control financial assets on behalf of investors. Unlike banks, they do not hold deposits or engage in trading on their own behalf.

As “agents” of the investors, the asset managers don’t keep the risks that accompany their investment strategies on their own books. They have, therefore, been able to claim exemption from the new rules that require banks to maintain capital and cash buffers. Asset management seized the opportunity to prosper in the new environment after 2008, and by 2019, asset-management funds had swollen to about $74 trillion globally.

When these early interventions did nothing to calm the roiling financial markets, the Fed pulled out the emergency tool kit that was devised after the collapse of Lehman Brothers in 2008. Created specifically for this purpose, separate new facilities were employed to start buying up a wider range of assets and open a spigot of lending to avert financial free fall.

These include a facility to buy US Treasuries, and three others developed to prop up the markets for more liquid short-term assets like commercial paper, money market mutual funds, and the market for a range of assets backed up by credit card, student, and auto loans. By directly buying or lending against the collateral of assets that are becoming toxic in the market, the Fed is helping to provide a backstop, putting a floor under the crashing prices so that the jammed credit machinery can get moving again.

These interventions, while extraordinary, were essentially a reprise of the unconventional monetary arsenal the Fed had deployed during the 2008–9 crisis. At that time, the implosion of the market for subprime mortgages set off the crisis. There was a vast financial machinery based on these predatory loans through the shadow banking system.

Traditional banking is based on loans and deposits, and operates under the Fed’s regulatory ambit. The shadow banking system, in contrast, involves lending through the slicing up and repackaging of illiquid loans and risky assets — such as subprime mortgage loans — via a process of securitization and borrowing on short-term money markets. This shadow banking network draws cash from pension funds and money market institutions that are flush with funds thanks to high-net-worth individuals and corporate cash pools seeking safety, and uses it to fund the activity of investors with a high appetite for risk and yield.

The collapse of the subprime market brought this house of cards crashing down. The Fed was at the center of the storm. By launching a massive program of buying and lending against a wide range of assets, including the toxic assets that had triggered the meltdown, the Fed absorbed the risk and market panic onto its balance sheet.

These unconventional monetary policies might have helped avert another Great Depression, but they did not address the growing fault lines that have been exposed by the crisis. The proliferation of the shadow banking system is rooted in structural transformations that were set in motion in the 1980s, which exacerbated inequality and the concentration of wealth. As a result of this changing balance of class forces, a narrow corporate elite captured a rising share of revenues while working-class incomes were squeezed. The growing power of Wall Street drove this structural transformation.

When the Fed bailed out the banks to prevent a systemic collapse in 2008–9, it merely consolidated the power of finance. Four big banks — Citibank, Bank of America, JPMorgan Chase, and Goldman Sachs — emerged from the financial turmoil to dominate an even more highly concentrated banking sector.

More than a decade later, the trigger for the latest financial meltdown was not the excesses of private finance but the global rampage of COVID-19. Once again, the Fed has been at the front line, battling to manage the implosion and restart the machinery of credit. This time, the scale and scope of its interventions have gone well beyond measures taken in 2008. The Fed has added more than $2 trillion to its balance sheet since March 16, increasing its total size to $6.7 trillion by the beginning of May (nearly one-third of the US GDP).

In a highly significant new foray, the Fed has entered the terrain of corporate lending, which has historically been off-limits. About $450 billion of the initial funds allocated under the $2.2 trillion CARES package has been earmarked for the US Treasury to inject capital into the Federal Reserve so that it can set up separate offshoots to provide loans and guarantees for businesses and buy corporate debt.

Each dollar in the hands of the Fed can be used to support ten times that amount in debt: that means the $450 billion could be leveraged to supply over $4 trillion, or about one-fifth of US GDP, in support for business. The capital injection by the US Treasury would provide a cushion for the risk that the Fed takes on from private finance.

The partnership between the Fed and the Treasury is blurring the line that separates fiscal and monetary policy. It also throws into sharp relief the Fed’s role as the channel through which the risks of financial fragility will be absorbed by working households.

There are two prongs to this corporate bailout. The first is the Main Street Lending Program that is intended to support midsize businesses — those with up to 10,000 employees and less than $2.5 billion in revenue — by buying 95 percent of the value of bank loans. The aim is to prop up loans of between $1 million and $25 million, amounting to a total of $600 billion across the banking system.

While the bailout plan has yet to specify the exact terms and conditions of the loans, it does acknowledge the need to prevent firms from using the funds for dividend payouts, share buybacks, or CEO compensation; and the requisite for a commitment to preserve the jobs and salaries of their workers. However, the authorities have already relaxed the eligibility criteria for these loans, which allows for riskier companies to be included, and watered down the pledge to maintain employment, so that a “good faith” effort to do so, successful or not, will suffice.

In a far-reaching new initiative, the Fed has set up two new facilities to buy up to $750 billion of newly issued corporate and secondary market bonds, including exchange-traded fund (ETF) shares. With this measure, the Fed has ushered in a new era of central bank policy by intervening directly in the buying and selling of corporate debt.

By April, the Fed had extended the scope of these facilities to include not just the lowest rung of investment-grade bonds, but even the riskiest junk bonds. In 2008–9, the Fed stepped beyond its traditional role as a backstop to the financial system to embrace the world of shadow banking. Now it is going further still to support the flailing market for corporate debt.

This momentous shift explicitly recognizes that even nonfinancial corporations in the United States are deeply embedded in financial accumulation channels. It also reflects the power of finance manifested in the pervasive control that big banks and asset managers exercise over nonfinancial corporations.

How The Federal Reserve Is Making a Killing From the Pandemic How The Federal Reserve Is Making a Killing From the Pandemic Reviewed by Anson Moore on July 07, 2020 Rating: 5

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